With the hostage and ceasefire deal in place, broad international support for the 20-point peace plan and Iran and its proxies diminished, the United States and its partners have a historic opening.
This, coupled with the emergence of pragmatic governments in Syria and Lebanon and future-oriented Gulf leaders, is an opportunity for Washington and its closest partners to build a new Middle East rooted in cooperation, shared interests, and prosperity.
Time is limited. Iran and its agents of chaos in Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen are rebuilding capabilities. Tehran is obscuring the status of its near-weapons grade uranium stockpile. Syria and Lebanon are stable, but for how long? The ceasefire and hostage deal is enduring, but one misfire from collapse.
As Washington sustains the ceasefire, supports Gaza’s reconstruction and improves conditions for diplomacy, it should work with its partners to seize this window to advance a long-term vision for a more secure, prosperous and interconnected Middle East.
The work is underway.
Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman visited Washington last week to deepen the U.S.-Saudi strategic partnership and touted Riyadh’s openness to joining the Abraham Accords, provided there is a “clear path” to a two-state solution.
Shortly before that visit, the United States hosted President Ahmed Al Sharaa, in the first official visit of a Syrian president in over 80 years. As a result, Syria joined the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS and held discussions with U.S. officials on a security agreement with Israel.
At the C5+1 Summit in Washington, Kazakhstan announced its entry into the Abraham Accords, opening a new frontier that creates an opportunity for the alliance to expand in the Caucuses and to other nations that already have established relations with Israel.
There are more opportunities on the horizon. Improved regional security and progress in Gaza have rekindled the prospect of Saudi-Israel normalization.
During bin Salman’s visit, Saudi Arabia and the United States signed agreements on mutual security, arms sales, artificial intelligence and civil nuclear cooperation — key elements of the broader normalization package developed during the Biden administration.
While Riyadh did not obtain its long sought Article 5-like guarantee, which Washington may be saving for a firm commitment on normalization, progress seems to largely hinge on favorable conditions across the region and the political will to advance a credible pathway for a Palestinian state.
Momentum on normalization could facilitate other Arab and Muslim states in the Gulf, Central Asia, East Asia and Africa to join the Abraham Accords. Central Asia, in particular, could see progress with the potential entry of Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan into the accords and Azerbaijan joining the C6+1, which could expand to C6+2 with Israel.
In the Middle East, a regional security architecture to enhance security and economic cooperation could take shape among the U.S. and its closest partners, including Israel. It could build on the Comprehensive Security Prosperity and Integration Agreement, a trilateral security agreement with the U.S., Bahrain, and the United Kingdom.
The U.S. decision to ease sanctions on Syria has created space for its reintegration with the world. Starting with its neighbors, Syria and Israel may finalize a non-aggression pact that could open the door to quiet security and intelligence cooperation — and eventually normalization.
As momentum grows for lifting Caesar Act sanctions, coordinated investment from the U.S. and Arab partners — especially in cement, power plants, renewable energy, desalination, petrochemicals and critical infrastructure — will be essential for Syria’s success. Sharaa must also demonstrate he can be a trusted partner against Iran, Hezbollah and ISIS.
With Iran weakened, Hezbollah debilitated and President Aoun in power, Lebanon has a chance to stabilize, but not as long as Hezbollah remains a threat. Beirut must take bold steps to disarm Hezbollah or Israel will likely act. Lebanese officials should directly engage the U.S. and Israel to frustrate Iran’s support, strategize on disarmament and prevent renewed conflict.
Beyond political and security dimensions, economic connectivity remains the region’s greatest untapped resource. The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor has the potential to connect three continents with trade, energy and digital infrastructure and offers a practical framework that could support Gaza reconstruction.
To get there, signatories should leverage existing connections, such as a land route from the Gulf to Israel, align priorities and customs protocols and finish rail links from the United Arab Emirates to Saudi Arabia and Saudi Arabia to Jordan.
This future is possible but only with sustained engagement by the United States. The stakes are high, and the window is narrow.
Destabilizing forces will seek to undermine this vision, but with bold, strategic action, the U.S. and its partners can realize a historic transformation grounded in security, integration and prosperity.
Gershom Sacks is the director of the N7 Foundation and former director for Gulf Affairs at the National Security Council. Emily Milliken is the deputy director of the N7 Foundation