N7 Expert Brief: U.S. and Iran Reach Framework to End War

By Eyal Hulata , Brian Katulis , Ambassador Michael Ratney , Gershom Sacks and Ahmed Al Khuzaie

The United States and Iran have signed a 14 point Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to cease military operations between the United States and Iran, “on all fronts”, including Lebanon.  The MOU is expected to end the ongoing U.S. and Iranian naval blockades on the Strait of Hormuz and start a process to determine the future administration of the Strait. The MOU launches a 60 day process to negotiate a final deal, with the aim to address continued challenges, especially on Iran’s nuclear program; in particular the removal of the existing stockpile of enriched material and limits on future enrichment.  The MOU reaffirms Iran will “not procure or develop nuclear weapons” and notes a plan to develop a $300 billion fund for reconstruction and economic development inside Iran, and sanctions relief to be agreed in a final deal.  Both parties agreed to maintain the “status quo”, with Iran maintaining its nuclear program so long as the United States does not impose new sanctions or deploy new forces to the region.  While President Trump signed the MOU on the margins of the G7, a formal signing ceremony is expected to take place in Switzerland June 19 and start the next round of talks.  

Why it matters

The MOU has immediate implications for U.S. regional posture following months of conflict with Iran. A cessation of hostilities and the reopening of key maritime routes reduces pressure on energy markets and restores the flow of trade through critical chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz.

If the deal holds, it will reshape regional dynamics involving transit routes and connectivity corridors, particularly those running through the Gulf and the Eastern Mediterranean. How Iran re-engages economically — and under what constraints — will influence the balance between competing regional trade and logistics frameworks over the next phase.

It also comes at a moment when Washington has been actively advancing a series of bilateral and regional initiatives designed to deepen economic and security integration across the Middle East, including through Abraham Accords partners. De-escalation with Iran may ease operational constraints on these efforts while shifting attention back toward trade, investment, and infrastructure coordination.

Insight from N7 experts

Eyal Hulata: “The expected MOU is first and foremost aimed at opening the straits of Hormuz and averting an escalating global energy crisis. That is reasonable and expected. The pressing question is whether the administration keeps enough levers and intends to use sufficient means of pressure to reach a good nuclear deal. Iran is unlikely to agree, this will need to be forced out of them. Without such measures we all might be left with a volatile and dangerous status quo.” 

Brian Katulis: “The Islamic Republic of Iran’s ability to threaten its own people and the region remains strong. If this agreement goes forward as reported, it will leave a brutal regime in control of Iran and in control of most of the tools it uses to threaten the region: ballistic missiles, drones and a weaker but still-dangerous regional proxy network in Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen. That’s why it’s important for America to stay engaged with its closest partners in the Middle East - to take steps to ensure their security in the short-term during this period of uncertainty. But equally important is working with them to advance a longer-term agenda to promote regional integration that enhances security and prosperity for all.”

Ambassador Michael Ratney: “This is one of the most awkward situations between the United States and Israel in anybody’s recent memory. We have an issue that is of fundamental national security importance to Israel, and also fundamental political interest to Netanyahu - and he’s clearly at odds with Trump on this. Trump wants this war over, and he apparently wants that to include Israeli operations in Lebanon. Netanyahu wants nothing to do with that, so this is the rare instance where although Netanyahu himself will be very guarded in his words, those close to the Israeli Prime Minister, including people in his own government, are out there quite critical of this emerging deal and also quite critical of Trump personally. If you’re Israel, this probably makes things more dangerous because it is essentially saying that Israel’s hand is stayed by Trump.”

Gershom Sacks: “While the MOU aims to restore peace and stability to the Middle East, capitals across the region are preparing for the next war, whether it comes tomorrow or decades from now. The U.S. should be part of the answer. The war reaffirmed the brutality of the Iranian regime, with its unrestrained UAV and ballistic missile attacks on military and civilian infrastructure. It also underscored the vitality of the Strait of Hormuz on global markets and the local Gulf economies, and Iran’s ability to close it. As the U.S. launches the next round of talks with Iran, it should work with its partners to restore the munitions that defended their cities, take stock of strategic gaps the Iranian military exposed, and create procedures to enhance their future defense. The Abraham Accords could serve as a platform for such cooperation among Israel, the UAE, and Bahrain, and could potentially serve as a forum for broader, multilateral strategic cooperation. Hardening critical infrastructure and creating resilient supply chains are especially critical. The U.S. should consider advancing alternative trade routes, such as the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, in the near-term to create additional redundancy. As long as the regime in Tehran is in place, we should be ready for the next war.”     

Ahmed Al Khuzaie: “For Gulf states, the lesson is clear; passive observation of deals struck behind closed doors is no longer viable. The temporary truce should be treated not as a guarantee but as a geopolitical pause - an opportunity to recalibrate Gulf strategy. Two imperatives stand out; First, building a more autonomous collective security architecture that reduces reliance on traditional Western protection, diversifies partnerships, and strengthens indigenous deterrence capabilities in air, maritime, drone, and cyber domains. Second, pursuing proactive diplomacy to ensure that any future negotiations embed a unified Gulf perspective, insisting that genuine stability requires addressing Iran’s regional conduct and respect for sovereignty, not merely its nuclear program.”